Transnistria’s Referendum Gambit: A Brewing Storm and Potential Annexation by Russia


The geopolitical situation around Transnistria, a pro-Russian breakaway region from Moldova, is reaching a critical juncture with potential far-reaching implications for Eastern European security and the delicate balance of power in the region. Despite its significance, Transdniestria — sometimes spelled Transnistria — is not recognized by the United Nations and is not considered a country.

Officially known as the Pridnestrovian Moldovan Republic (PMR), Transdniestria is technically part of Moldova. However, according to Eastern Europe scholar Dennis Deletant, “the separatist statelet has had de facto independence since the Moldovan civil war in 1992,” which pitted Moldovans against Transdniestrians.

Recent developments indicate a heightened push by Transnistria for closer ties with Russia, possibly even annexation, amidst a backdrop of increased military and political tensions in the area. This situation is deeply intertwined with the broader geopolitical contest between Russia and Western powers, particularly the EU and NATO, and Moldova’s aspirations towards European integration.

Transnistria’s leadership has been vocal in expressing concerns over what they perceive as threats from NATO and the Moldovan government’s closer ties with the West. Claims of increasing militarization by Moldova, in conjunction with NATO, have been cited as justifications for Transnistria’s calls for protection from Russia. These assertions come amid allegations of increased security risks and a potential for “terrorism” within the region, prompting requests for additional Russian “peacekeepers”​​.

The political dynamics in Transnistria have also been characterized by internal and external information operations aimed at justifying potential Russian intervention under the guise of protecting Russian citizens and “compatriots” in the region. These operations include claims of Moldovan aggression and human rights violations against Transnistria, setting the stage for a narrative that positions Russia as a protective force against Western encroachment​​.

The international community, particularly Western officials, has expressed concerns over Russia’s intentions in Moldova, fearing a scenario similar to previous interventions in Ukraine. The potential for a “manufactured insurrection” in Moldova, aimed at installing a pro-Russian administration, has been highlighted as part of a broader Russian strategy to undermine Moldovan sovereignty and derail its European integration efforts​​.

On the ground, Transnistria is preparing for a significant congress of its deputies, which could lead to a formal request for annexation by Russia. This move, anticipated to coincide with President Putin’s address to the Russian Federal Assembly, signals a critical moment in the region’s push for closer integration with Russia, raising the stakes for Moldova’s territorial integrity and its aspirations towards European Union membership​​​​.

The response from Moldova’s government has been one of caution but firmness, emphasizing the importance of maintaining dialogue and peaceful resolution of the conflict. Moldovan authorities, while recognizing the propaganda efforts within Transnistria, stress the need for a functional state that can address internal challenges and resist external pressures aimed at destabilizing the country​​.

The situation in Transnistria is emblematic of the broader geopolitical challenges facing Eastern Europe, where historical grievances, ethnic divisions, and strategic interests of global powers intersect. The outcome of the upcoming congress in Transnistria, and Russia’s response, will be critical in determining the future trajectory of the region’s security dynamics and the broader contest for influence in Eastern Europe between Russia and the West.

image : Moldova – Transnistria – Copyright of

Since Russia’s War Against Ukraine Began: The Moldovan-Transnistrian Refugee Corridor

The conflict between Russia and Ukraine, which erupted in February 2022, has precipitated a significant humanitarian crisis, compelling over a million people to seek refuge by crossing the Ukrainian-Moldovan border. By December 2023, official records indicated that approximately 120,600 refugees remained in Moldova. However, the actual number might be lower due to the frequent back-and-forth movement of many Ukrainians between the two countries. A noteworthy aspect of this exodus is the settlement of some Ukrainian refugees in the Russia-backed de facto republic of Transnistria. Official statistics from Transnistria’s de facto authorities in January 2024 reported 185,200 arrivals, with 172,500 registered individuals. Yet, local experts and the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) estimate that the true count of Ukrainian refugees in Transnistria ranges between 5,000 to 10,000.

Transnistria, a self-proclaimed state under Moldova according to international law, emerged from a short military conflict in 1992. Lacking global recognition, it has maintained its existence with financial and military backing from Russia. The region came under the spotlight in the spring of 2022 following unexplained explosions in Tiraspol and the Cobasna ammunition depot, raising alarms about the potential spillover of the war. Subsequently, Ukraine sealed its 400 km border with Transnistria, leaving the Moldovan-Ukrainian border as the sole official exit point.

The influx of Ukrainian refugees into Transnistria raises critical questions about their motivations and experiences in this geopolitically sensitive area. The primary allure for many Ukrainians is Transnistria’s geographical closeness and linguistic familiarity. A significant proportion of the refugees, specifically 71% according to a winter 2022/23 International Organization for Migration (IOM) study, originated from Ukraine’s Odesa region, which lies near the Moldovan border. The deep-rooted economic and social ties between the regions, coupled with the fact that about 22% of Transnistria’s population is of Ukrainian descent, facilitate the integration of refugees. Moreover, the predominant use of Russian in public life and the presence of Ukrainian and Romanian (referred to as ‘Moldovan’ by the local government) as official languages lessen the cultural and linguistic barriers.

The living conditions of Ukrainian refugees in Transnistria vary. The IOM survey highlighted that 82% of refugees reside with family, friends, or acquaintances, with a smaller fraction renting apartments. Although only one out of the seven refugee accommodations established in early 2022 remains operational, refugees have access to essential services such as education and childcare at no cost. The local administration reports about 400 students in general education and approximately 200 children in crèches, with local experts suggesting these numbers might be significantly higher. The educational approach is hybrid, allowing children to participate in online lessons from Ukraine in addition to attending local schools.

This migration phenomenon underscores the complex interplay of geographical proximity, cultural ties, and the dire circumstances driven by conflict, shaping the experiences of those who seek refuge in Transnistria. As the situation evolves, the international community’s focus remains on addressing the humanitarian needs of all affected populations and navigating the delicate geopolitical realities of the region.

The Geopolitical Tug-of-War: Transnistria’s Annexation
Dilemma and the Kremlin’s Moldovan Ambitions

In the geopolitical chess game that characterizes Eastern Europe, the pro-Russian breakaway region of Transnistria is once again at the center of a brewing storm, potentially altering the delicate balance of power in the region. A recent announcement by the Transnistrian Congress of Deputies has set the stage for a pivotal moment that could see the region push for annexation to Russia. Scheduled for February 28, this congress might leverage the purported need to protect Russian citizens and “compatriots” in Transnistria from perceived threats emanating from Moldova and, by extension, NATO. This move, deeply rooted in the complex web of regional politics, historical ties, and strategic ambitions, underscores the fragility of post-Soviet state relations and the ever-present shadow of Russian influence.

Russian President Vladimir Putin, a central figure in this unfolding narrative, could potentially declare Russia’s annexation of Transnistria in his address to the Russian Federal Assembly on February 29. However, this scenario, while dramatic, remains unlikely according to current assessments. More probable is Putin’s endorsement of the actions taken by the Transnistrian Congress of Deputies, coupled with strategic observations on the evolving situation. This nuanced approach by Putin could serve to advance Russia’s long-term objectives in the region without immediate escalation. This development as a significant event with an uncertain outcome, highlighting the complex interplay of regional politics, strategic interests, and international law.

The Moldovan Context: A Pro-Western Stance Amidst Russian Gaze

Moldova, a former Soviet state nestled between Romania and Ukraine, finds itself at the heart of this geopolitical quandary. With a population of approximately 2.6 million, Moldova has been steering a course towards European integration, much to the Kremlin’s chagrin. The Moldovan parliament, dominated by a pro-Western majority, and President Maia Sandu have been vocal advocates for the country’s accession to the European Union (EU). Since Sandu’s ascendancy to power in 2020, Moldova has made significant strides in strengthening its ties with the EU, culminating in the granting of candidate status to Moldova in June 2022. The decision by EU leaders in December 2023 to commence membership talks with Moldova marks a critical juncture in the country’s European integration journey, signaling a clear departure from its Soviet past and a move towards a European future.

Transnistria’s Russian Allegiance: A Historical Continuum

Transnistria, a thin strip of land sandwiched between the Dniester River and the Moldova–Ukraine border, presents a stark contrast to the pro-Western orientation of Moldova. With a population of around 470,000, this pro-Russian breakaway region declared its independence from Moldova in 1990, an act unrecognized by the international community. The presence of Russian military forces in Transnistria since 1992 underscores the deep-rooted ties and strategic importance Russia places on this region. Transnistria’s aspirations to join the Russian Federation were formally expressed in a 2006 referendum, a sentiment reaffirmed by Transnistrian President Vadim Krasnoselsky in January 2023. This enduring allegiance to Russia encapsulates the region’s identity and geopolitical orientation, setting the stage for the current annexation discourse.

The Kremlin’s Strategic Playbook: Control and Influence

The Kremlin’s opposition to Moldova’s EU aspirations is part of a broader strategy to maintain influence over former Soviet states, a policy underscored by its reaction to Ukraine’s EU association agreement in 2014. The Kremlin’s vision of a “Russian world” (Russkiy Mir), as articulated by Putin, extends beyond cultural and historical ties to encompass strategic territorial ambitions. Moldova, and by extension Transnistria, is viewed as integral to this “Russian world,” justifying, in the Kremlin’s view, its interventions in the region. The Kremlin’s objectives in Moldova are multifaceted, aiming to derail Moldova’s EU accession, maintain a proxy through Transnistria, and potentially destabilize the region to challenge NATO’s southeastern flank.

This complex interplay of historical allegiances, strategic ambitions, and international aspirations underscores the precarious nature of post-Soviet state relations. As the Transnistrian Congress of Deputies convenes, the decisions made could have far-reaching implications not only for Moldova and Transnistria but for the broader Eastern European region. The balance between Russian strategic interests and Moldova’s European aspirations remains delicate, with the potential to redefine the geopolitical landscape of Eastern Europe.

Tripwire: Transnistria’s Plea for Annexation Amidst Rising Tensions

In an unexpected development that has significant implications for regional stability in Eastern Europe, the Transnistrian government has announced a rapid deterioration in its situation since the beginning of 2024. Citing a sharp decline in conditions, especially for its vulnerable populations, Transnistria accuses the Moldovan government of economic sabotage and human rights violations, alongside external political and economic pressures. This announcement sets the stage for an extraordinary meeting of the Transnistrian Congress of Deputies in Tiraspol on February 28, an event not seen since March 2006, when Transnistria expressed its desire to join the Russian Federation and rejected reunification with Moldova.

The forthcoming congress is anticipated to formalize a request for Transnistria’s annexation by the Russian Federation, a move that aligns with the region’s long-standing orientation towards Moscow. This development comes amid statements from opposition figures warning of the potential for such an appeal to be made directly to Russian President Vladimir Putin. Putin, scheduled to address the Russian Federal Assembly the following day, on February 29, could potentially recognize the appeal, further escalating tensions between Russia and the West​​​​​​.

This move by Transnistria can be seen as part of a broader geopolitical contest in the region, with significant implications for Moldova’s sovereignty and its aspirations towards European integration. The Moldovan government, while expressing concerns over the situation, maintains that there is no immediate threat of further destabilization. International observers and Moldovan officials alike will be closely monitoring the outcomes of the congress and Putin’s subsequent address for signs of Russia’s future intentions towards Transnistria and the wider region.

Transnistria’s push for annexation to Russia reflects not only local political dynamics but also the larger strategic contest between Russia and Western powers over the future orientation of post-Soviet states. This event underscores the ongoing complexities of regional politics in Eastern Europe, where historical grievances, national ambitions, and international alignments intersect to shape the evolving security landscape. The international community, particularly entities such as the OSCE and the European Union, will likely play crucial roles in responding to these developments, balancing the need for stability with the principles of national sovereignty and self-determination.

As this situation unfolds, the global community watches closely, aware that the decisions made in these forums could have lasting implications for the peace and security of the region. The hope remains that dialogue and diplomacy may prevail over unilateral actions that could further deepen divides and escalate tensions in an already volatile geopolitical environment.

Pattern: The Strategic Maneuverings of Ilan Shor and Kremlin’s Influence in Moldova

On February 7, 2024, a significant meeting took place between US-sanctioned pro-Kremlin Moldovan politician Ilan Shor and Leonid Kalashnikov, chairman of the Russian State Duma Committee on Commonwealth of Independent States Affairs, Eurasian Integration, and Relations with Compatriots Abroad. This rendezvous in Russia was not just a casual diplomatic engagement but a calculated move that further illuminates the Kremlin’s entrenched strategy to sway Moldova’s geopolitical orientation. Shor, at this meeting, vociferously advocated for Moldova’s integration into the Russian-dominated Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU), positing it as the sole “salvation” for the country amidst the “negative impact” of the collective West​​​​.

Shor’s pronouncements underscore a profound disillusionment with Western alliances, framing the EAEU as a sanctuary that promises economic and political stability. By championing the cause of Eurasian integration, Shor amplifies a narrative conducive to Russian geopolitical interests, positing Russia and its economic union as benevolent saviors in contrast to the purportedly malign influence of Western institutions. This rhetoric is not merely an expression of political preference but a manifestation of Kremlin’s broader agenda to recapture influence over former Soviet territories and counterbalance Western expansion.

The significance of this meeting is further compounded by the European Union’s sanctions against Ilan Shor, underscoring his controversial role in Moldova’s political landscape. The EU’s sanctions, which include financial and travel restrictions, were imposed due to Shor’s alleged involvement in activities aimed at destabilizing Moldova. These sanctions highlight Shor’s intricate connections with Moscow and his alleged endeavors to foment political unrest in Moldova, leveraging financial resources and orchestrating protests against the pro-Western government​​.

This episode is a vivid illustration of the Kremlin’s playbook, employing political proxies like Shor to advance its geopolitical objectives. By entangling Moldova in the web of Eurasian integration, Russia seeks to thwart the European integrationist aspirations of Moldovan leadership and preserve its sphere of influence. This strategy is emblematic of Russia’s broader geopolitical chess game, aiming to reassert its dominance over post-Soviet states and counter NATO and EU expansions.

The unfolding developments in Moldova, characterized by political machinations and external interventions, reflect the persistent tug-of-war between Russia and the West over the geopolitical orientation of Eastern European states. As Moldova navigates these tumultuous waters, the actions of political figures like Ilan Shor and the responses of international entities like the EU will significantly shape the country’s future trajectory, potentially determining whether it will lean towards Moscow’s embrace or continue its march towards European integration.

The Kremlin’s Protective Veil Over Transnistria: A Deep Dive

Since December 2023, the Kremlin has intensified its narrative, positioning itself as the guardian of Russian citizens and “compatriots abroad” in Transnistria. This strategic maneuver aims to frame Russia as the protector against what it alleges are threats to Russian-language speakers in Moldova. Amidst this rhetoric, Russia has issued over 200,000 Russian passports to individuals in Transnistria, asserting their Russian citizenship and thereby justifying its protective stance. In a notable diplomatic move, the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA) summoned the Moldovan Ambassador in January 2024, protesting against what it termed Moldova’s “unfriendly actions.” These included allegations of politically motivated persecution of Russian and Russian-language media and discrimination against Russian citizens entering Moldova, with a stern warning of “additional retaliatory measures” if such actions persist​​.

Furthermore, Transnistria has called upon Russia for support against what it claims are escalating NATO threats and “terrorism” risks. A Transnistrian representative to Moscow, in May 2023, appealed for an increase in Russian “peacekeepers” in the region, citing security concerns. This request coincided with Moldova’s crackdown on members of the pro-Russian “Shor” Party, underscoring the deepening tensions and the geopolitical tug-of-war over Transnistria​​.

The Transnistrian President has voiced concerns over Moldova’s military engagements and partnerships with NATO, interpreting these as threats to the region’s security. These statements are part of a broader narrative, suggesting a militarization of Moldova that ostensibly endangers Transnistria, echoing historical grievances and alleging human rights violations by Moldova​​.

The Shadow War: Transnistria’s Alleged Militarization and the Specter of Russian Annexation

In the intricate web of Eastern European geopolitics, the Transnistrian region, a narrow strip of land between the Dniester River and the Moldovan-Ukrainian border, emerges as a focal point of heightened tensions and strategic maneuvering. With its unresolved status since the early 1990s, Transnistria has long been a thorn in the side of Moldovan sovereignty and a nexus of Russian influence outside its borders. Recent developments suggest a significant escalation in the rhetoric and actions emanating from this breakaway territory, with implications that reverberate beyond its immediate geography.

At the heart of the matter are allegations made by the Transnistrian Ministry of State Security (MGB), which paint a picture of an imminent threat from Moldova, purportedly acting under Western influence. The MGB’s claims, as detailed in various sources, involve accusations against Moldovan special forces of organizing combat groups aimed at destabilizing Transnistria​​. These groups, according to Transnistrian officials, are being trained to carry out sabotage against military installations, critical infrastructure, and to target high-ranking officials in a campaign that smacks of preparation for a full-scale incursion.

This narrative, however, fits into a larger pattern of Russian-backed information operations aimed at justifying potential interventions under the guise of protecting ethnic Russians and Russian speakers abroad. The invocation of a supposed Moldovan threat is parallel to the pretexts used by Russia in its actions in Georgia in 2008 and Ukraine in 2014 and 2022. Such assertions by Transnistria, likely echoing Kremlin talking points, aim to frame Moldova as the aggressor, potentially setting the stage for a Russian military or hybrid response​​.

Adding complexity to this geopolitical puzzle is the broader context of Moldova’s orientation towards the European Union and away from Russian influence. The Moldovan government’s increasing military cooperation with NATO, bolstered defense budget, and participation in joint military exercises with Western partners are cited by Transnistrian President Vadim Krasnoselsky as evidence of an aggressive posture against the breakaway region​​. Krasnoselsky’s comments, alongside the MGB’s allegations, serve to portray Transnistria as a beleaguered entity in need of protection, thereby legitimizing Russian military presence and, possibly, annexation aspirations.

The timing of these developments cannot be overlooked. They coincide with a period of heightened Russian assertiveness in its near abroad, seen in the ongoing conflict in Ukraine and the strategic importance Moscow places on maintaining a buffer of friendly or controlled territories along its western frontiers. The specter of Russian annexation, while officially unconfirmed, looms large, drawing inevitable comparisons to Crimea’s absorption in 2014. The international community, particularly the European Union and NATO, watches with concern as the potential for a new flashpoint in Eastern Europe becomes increasingly palpable.

In summary, the situation in Transnistria encapsulates the fraught post-Soviet landscape, where unresolved conflicts, strategic ambitions, and the tug-of-war between Russian and Western influences converge. The allegations made by the Transnistrian MGB, and the broader narrative they feed into, underscore the fragility of the region’s security architecture and the ever-present risk of escalation. As the international community seeks to navigate these tensions, the importance of diplomacy, dialogue, and a commitment to sovereignty and territorial integrity remains paramount. The unfolding drama in Transnistria is not just a local or regional issue; it is a bellwether for the challenges facing the European security order in the 21st century.

The Complexity of Russian Hybrid Operations Against Moldova: An Analysis

The geopolitical landscape of Eastern Europe, particularly concerning Moldova, is increasingly being complicated by the specter of Russian hybrid operations. These operations, aimed at destabilizing the Moldovan government and instigating the installation of a pro-Russian administration, reveal a multifaceted strategy of information warfare, political manipulation, and military posturing. The situation in Moldova and its breakaway region, Transnistria, offers a stark example of how modern conflicts and geopolitical rivalries extend beyond traditional military engagements, encompassing a broader spectrum of hybrid warfare tactics.

In early 2023, Western officials began sounding the alarm over potential Russian hybrid operations targeting Moldova. The concern is that Russia, leveraging its influence in Transnistria, is orchestrating a campaign to undermine Moldova’s pro-European Union government. This campaign involves a mix of disinformation, political subversion, and the mobilization of proxy forces to create a manufactured insurrection within Moldova​​​​.

Transnistria, a de facto independent region within Moldova with a significant Russian military presence, is a critical element in Russia’s strategy. Officials from Transnistria have made statements that align with Russian narratives, accusing Moldova of militarization and aggression. Such rhetoric is part of a broader effort to justify potential Russian interventions under the guise of protecting ethnic Russians and Russian speakers in the region​​.

The possibility of a referendum in Transnistria seeking annexation by Russia adds another layer of complexity to the situation. This move would mirror tactics used by Russia in other regions, such as Crimea, further escalating tensions and potentially leading to a more direct confrontation​​.

The hybrid warfare tactics employed by Russia in Moldova are not limited to military and political maneuvers. Information operations play a pivotal role, with Russian officials and state-controlled media outlets disseminating narratives designed to delegitimize the Moldovan government and its Western allies. The goal is to create a pretext for Russian intervention, portraying Russia as a defender of oppressed Russian-speaking populations​​.

Moldova’s response to these challenges has been multifaceted, involving both security measures to prevent violent insurrections and diplomatic efforts to counter Russian influence. The Moldovan government has intercepted efforts by Russian intelligence to destabilize the country, arresting individuals linked to planned violent protests and thwarting attempts to smuggle in operatives and weaponry​​.

Despite these efforts, the situation remains precarious. Russia’s ability to conduct hybrid warfare, leveraging both conventional military assets and asymmetric tactics like disinformation and political subversion, poses a significant challenge to Moldova’s sovereignty and its aspirations for closer integration with the European Union. The international community’s response to these developments will be crucial in shaping the future security landscape of Eastern Europe​​.

As the situation evolves, the actions taken by Russia, Moldova, and their respective allies will have far-reaching implications for the region’s stability and the broader contest between Russian influence and Western integration. The unfolding scenario in Moldova and Transnistria underscores the importance of vigilance, resilience, and international cooperation in countering hybrid threats and preserving sovereign integrity in the face of external aggression.

Echoes of Ukraine: Russia’s Tactics in Moldova’s Geopolitical Arena

Russia’s actions and rhetoric bear a stark resemblance to its strategies employed in the lead-up to its invasions of Ukraine in 2014 and 2022. Foreign Minister Lavrov’s comments have reinforced this parallel, accusing the West of controlling the Moldovan government and halting the 5+2 negotiating process, while Moldova resists returning to these talks amidst ongoing Russian aggression in Ukraine.

The geopolitical tensions between Russia and Moldova, exacerbated by the situation in the breakaway region of Transnistria, have drawn increasing concern from Western officials and international observers. The narrative pushed by Russian officials, particularly Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov, frames Moldova as a battleground in a larger conflict between Russia and the West. Lavrov’s allegations that the West, particularly the United States and the European Union, exerts control over the Moldovan government and has deliberately obstructed the 5+2 negotiation process for the Transnistria conflict, echoes Moscow’s broader strategy of depicting itself as countering Western aggression​​​​.

The 5+2 talks, involving Russia, Ukraine, the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE), the EU, and the US, alongside Moldova and Transnistria, have been a long-standing mechanism aimed at resolving the Transnistrian dispute. However, the progress has been stymied by various factors, including Russia’s military actions in Ukraine and its broader geopolitical maneuvers aimed at asserting its influence over former Soviet states​​.

Russia’s hybrid warfare tactics in Moldova resemble those employed in Ukraine before its annexation of Crimea in 2014 and the full-scale invasion in 2022. These tactics include a mix of military posturing, political subversion, economic pressure, and information warfare designed to destabilize Moldova and prevent its further integration with the West. The Kremlin’s efforts to support pro-Russian elements within Moldova, stage protests, and spread disinformation are part of a broader strategy to install a friendly administration in Chisinau​​​​.

In response, Moldovan officials have underscored their commitment to maintaining sovereignty and pursuing a path towards European integration, despite the pressures. The EU’s decision to launch membership talks with Moldova in December 2023, cited by Kremlin as a provocation, illustrates the growing support for Moldova within the European bloc, even as the threat of Russian aggression looms large​​.

The situation is further complicated by the actions and rhetoric of Transnistrian leaders, who have accused Moldova of militarization and aggression, claims that have been supported by Moscow. These allegations, alongside warnings of possible referendums on Transnistria’s annexation to Russia, highlight the volatile nature of the conflict and the potential for escalation​​.

As the international community watches closely, the unfolding events in Moldova and Transnistria could mark a critical juncture for regional stability in Eastern Europe. The parallels between Russia’s current strategy in Moldova and its past actions in Ukraine underscore the importance of a coordinated and resolute response from the West to deter further Russian aggression and support Moldova’s sovereignty and territorial integrity.

The complexity of the situation requires a nuanced understanding of the historical, political, and security dynamics at play. It also calls for a recognition of the broader implications of Russia’s actions in Moldova for the security architecture of Europe and the principles of international law and state sovereignty. The months ahead will be crucial in determining whether diplomatic efforts can de-escalate tensions or whether the region will witness a further intensification of the conflict.

Escalating Tensions and Strategic Posturing in Transnistria

In recent developments surrounding Transnistria, a region recognized internationally as part of Moldova but operating as a de facto independent entity with Russian support, President Vadim Krasnoselsky has voiced concerns over what he perceives as Moldova’s militarization. In an interview with TASS, Krasnoselsky highlighted the increase in Moldova’s military budget, joint exercises with NATO, and military subsidies and supplies from European states as evidence of this militarization, which he claims poses a threat to Transnistria. The Transnistrian leader accused Moldova of abandoning dialogue in favor of using pressure tactics against the breakaway region​​​​.

These statements come amidst a backdrop of long-standing tensions between Moldova and Transnistria, with the latter seeking closer ties with Russia. The Transnistrian Ministry of State Security (MGB), which is seen as closely aligned with Russian interests, has issued warnings about alleged Moldovan plans to destabilize Transnistria. These claims, often characterized as setting the stage for potential false-flag operations, suggest a concerted effort to frame Moldova as the aggressor and justify Russian protective measures in the region​​.

Western officials have expressed concerns about the potential for Russian hybrid operations aimed at destabilizing Moldova and installing a pro-Russian administration. Reports indicate that Russia has been actively disseminating disinformation about Moldova’s stability and leveraging information operations originating from Transnistria to undermine the Moldovan government. Such tactics are reminiscent of the Kremlin’s strategy prior to its military interventions in Ukraine, raising alarms about the possibility of a similar escalation in Moldova​​.

In response to these developments, Moldovan officials, including Deputy Prime Minister Oleg Serebrian, have stated that Moldova will not reengage in the 5+2 negotiation process with Transnistria as long as the conflict between Russia and Ukraine persists. This stance reflects the broader geopolitical struggle in the region, with Moldova seeking closer ties with the European Union in the face of Russian efforts to maintain influence over its near abroad.

The situation in Transnistria and Moldova exemplifies the intricate web of political, military, and informational strategies employed by Russia to assert its dominance in the post-Soviet space. As tensions continue to rise, the international community remains vigilant, monitoring the potential for conflict escalation that could have far-reaching implications for regional stability and European security.

Charting Moldova’s European Journey: A Historic Step Towards EU Membership

On December 14, 2023, a pivotal moment unfolded as the European Union (EU) decisively agreed to initiate membership discussions with Moldova, alongside Ukraine. This move, hailed as historic by various EU leaders, reflects the EU’s commitment to expanding its membership to nations that share its values and aspirations for integration and development. Moldovan President Maia Sandu, embracing this significant step forward, voiced her country’s readiness to undertake the rigorous journey toward EU membership, underscoring a collective aspiration for deeper integration with the European community. This development is not merely a procedural milestone; it symbolizes the EU’s steadfast support for Moldova and Ukraine amidst broader geopolitical tensions and challenges.

Moldova’s pathway to this juncture has been marked by comprehensive reforms and a steadfast commitment to align with EU standards, particularly in areas critical for accession talks such as judicial reform, anti-corruption measures, and the bolstering of human rights protections. Since 2016, Moldova has been part of a Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Area (DCFTA) with the EU, facilitating the removal of trade barriers and fostering a closer economic relationship. Public opinion in Moldova has shown a strong inclination towards EU membership, with polls indicating a majority support for accession—a sentiment that has only grown in the wake of geopolitical developments and Moldova’s own democratic aspirations.

The decision to commence membership talks with Moldova (and Ukraine) was met with widespread acclaim across the EU, with leaders from Estonia, Lithuania, Sweden, and Ireland praising the historic nature of this decision and the promise it holds for the future. The process, however, was not without its diplomatic nuances, particularly concerning Hungary’s initial reservations. Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban, opting for a “constructive abstention,” allowed the unanimous decision to proceed, a move that reflects the complex consensus-building that often characterizes EU decision-making.

The strategic underpinnings of the EU’s enlargement policy, particularly in the context of Moldova, cannot be overlooked. Moldova’s EU accession talks come at a time of heightened geopolitical tensions and the broader contestation of influence in the region. The Kremlin’s historical influence in Moldova, especially in the breakaway region of Transnistria, introduces a layer of complexity to Moldova’s EU aspirations. The EU’s decision to initiate membership negotiations with Moldova, therefore, is not just a testament to Moldova’s reform efforts but also a clear signal of the EU’s commitment to supporting nations on the European continent in the face of external pressures and challenges.

As Moldova embarks on this significant journey toward EU membership, the implications are manifold—not only for Moldova’s internal reform agenda and its relationship with the EU but also for the broader geopolitical landscape of Eastern Europe. The EU’s enlargement policy, as demonstrated through this decision, serves as a pivotal mechanism for promoting stability, democracy, and prosperity in the region, reinforcing the EU’s role as a key actor in shaping the future of the European continent.

Moldova’s Quest for Energy Independence: Securing Sovereignty Beyond the Cuciurgan Power Plant in Transnistria

Over the past year, Moldova has undergone a remarkable transformation in its energy landscape, marking a significant departure from its historical dependence on Russian resources. The culmination of these efforts has seen Moldova break free from Russian gas supplies, a move that has not only bolstered its own security but also holds implications for broader European stability.

Prior to these developments, Moldova found itself ensnared in a web of energy reliance on Russia, particularly evident in its heavy dependence on Russian gas. However, a series of strategic maneuvers have enabled Moldova to significantly reduce this dependence, diversify its energy sources, and challenge the grip of Russian influence in the region.

The turning point came amid Russia’s aggressive stance in the aftermath of the invasion of Ukraine. In February 2022, Gazprom, the Russian state-owned gas company, reduced gas supplies to Moldova by 30%, exacerbating an already precarious situation. This move was widely interpreted as an attempt to coerce Moldova into compliance with Russian interests, particularly in the context of the ongoing conflict in Ukraine.

In response to this energy crisis, Moldova demonstrated resilience and foresight by proactively seeking alternative solutions. With the support of European financial institutions, Moldova secured emergency gas supplies, albeit at a higher cost. This bold move underscored Moldova’s commitment to achieving energy independence, even at the expense of short-term financial strain.

Central to Moldova’s quest for energy independence has been the unbundling of its energy market and the diversification of its energy sources. In September of the same year, Moldova took crucial steps in this direction by transferring control of its gas transmission network to Vestmoldtransgaz, a move that effectively severed ties with Gazprom-controlled entities. Additionally, an independent audit debunked inflated claims of debt owed to Gazprom, further weakening Russia’s leverage over Moldova’s energy sector.

Despite these strides, Moldova’s journey towards complete energy independence faces a final hurdle in the form of its reliance on electricity from the Russian-sponsored breakaway region of Transnistria. The Cuciurgan power plant, located in Transnistria, remains a critical source of electricity for Moldova, perpetuating a cycle of dependence on Russian-controlled infrastructure.

TABLE 1 –  Cuciurgan power station

The Kuchurgan power station, initially commissioned in 1964, stands as a cornerstone of Moldova’s energy landscape. Originally equipped with eight subcritical thermal coal-fired units, the facility expanded its repertoire over subsequent decades, integrating two gas and oil-fired units and two gas-fired combined cycle units during the 1970s and 1980s. Situated on the shores of the Kuchurgan River estuary in the contested region of Transnistria, this power station has historically been a vital contributor, fulfilling approximately 75% of Moldova’s electricity consumption needs.

Ownership of the power station transitioned to full control by the Russian energy giant Inter RAO in 2005, solidifying its position within Moldova’s energy infrastructure. This pivotal ownership change catalyzed strategic partnerships and agreements, exemplified by the collaborative effort between Inter RAO and Moldova’s Moldelectrica in November 2008. This agreement paved the way for the synchronization of select power plant units with Romania’s energy grid, a crucial step towards enhancing regional energy stability and connectivity.

Despite its significance in Moldova’s energy landscape, the Kuchurgan power plant has not been without its environmental and operational challenges. Identified as one of Moldova’s primary sources of nitrogen dioxide pollution by World from Space, the plant has faced scrutiny over its environmental impact.

In terms of its operational dynamics, the power plant’s unit composition has evolved over time. Initially comprising primarily coal-fired units, the facility has adapted to changing energy landscapes, with shifts towards natural gas utilization becoming more pronounced. An analysis spanning 1990 to 2005 reveals a notable decline in electricity generation, prompting refurbishment efforts aimed at modernization and efficiency improvement. By 2021, the power plant boasted a mix of operational units, with a particular emphasis on natural gas-based generation.

However, operational strategies have not been immune to geopolitical influences and logistical constraints. Reports suggest a reliance on gas as the primary fuel source, with coal serving as a backup option sourced exclusively from the Donetsk region in Ukraine. This dependence on gas, while reflecting operational realities, underscores the vulnerability of the power station to external factors such as supply disruptions or pricing fluctuations.

Despite these challenges, the Kuchurgan power station remains a crucial pillar of Moldova’s energy security framework. Its contribution to the national grid, exemplified by the supply of over 3,445 million kWh of power to Moldova in 2021, underscores its indispensable role in meeting the nation’s electricity needs. However, with ongoing shifts in energy dynamics and the looming specter of geopolitical tensions, the future trajectory of the Kuchurgan power station remains subject to a complex interplay of factors, necessitating continued vigilance and adaptability in navigating the evolving energy landscape.

Moldova’s Energy Sector Transformation Post-February 24, 2022

The energy landscape of Moldova underwent significant shifts post-February 24, 2022, particularly in response to its previous heavy reliance on Russian gas and electricity supplies, notably from Transnistria. This article delves into the intricate developments and policy maneuvers that reshaped Moldova’s energy sector, highlighting key milestones and their implications.

Historically, Moldova, including both right-bank Moldova and Transnistria, had been interconnected primarily through energy ties, with Russia holding a monopoly on the Moldovan gas market. Gazprom, through a contract with Chișinău, supplied gas to both regions, exerting considerable influence over Moldova’s energy security. This dependence restrained Moldova’s autonomy in gas procurement, fearing repercussions from Russia, particularly concerning supplies to Transnistria.

In response, Moldova embarked on a journey to diversify its gas sources, amassing over 300 million cubic meters (mcm) of gas reserves by early 2023. These reserves, stored in Ukraine and Romania due to Moldova’s insufficient storage infrastructure, were facilitated by Western partners, notably the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development (EBRD), which provided a €300 million loan. Consequently, by December 2022, right-bank Moldova achieved independence from Russian gas supplies, while Gazprom redirected its entire contracted volume to Transnistria.

This strategic shift empowered Chișinău to dictate gas allocations to Transnistria, no longer fearing Russian reprisals. This newfound leverage became evident when Gazprom, for political reasons, curtailed gas supplies to Moldova in late 2022, leading to electricity transmission disruptions from Transnistria’s MGRES power plant to right-bank Moldova. Tensions escalated as Chișinău demanded adherence to existing contracts, eventually rationing gas to Transnistria. Consequently, Transnistrian heavy industries suffered losses, compelling Tiraspol to accede to Chișinău’s terms, ensuring gas payments in exchange for electricity resumption.

Further transforming its energy landscape, Moldova synchronized its electricity grid with the European system on March 16, 2022, reducing dependence on Transnistrian electricity. While MGRES still meets 80% of Moldova’s electricity demand due to economic considerations, Moldova’s ability to import electricity from EU states, notably Romania, enhances energy security and mitigates Russian influence. This diversification undermines Russia’s leverage, particularly Inter RAO’s capacity to manipulate Chișinău through electricity blackmail.

NameCuciurgan Power Station
LocationDnestrovsc, Transnistria, on the shores of the Cuciurgan Reservoir
CommissionedSeptember 26, 1964
Ownership– 51% owned by Inter RAO UES since 2005 – Privatized in 2004 by Transnistrian authorities (not recognized by official Moldova)
OperatorMoldavskaya GRES, a 100% subsidiary of Inter RAO UES
Installed Capacity2,520 MW
FuelNatural gas, fuel oil, and coal
Electricity Production– Produces about 75% of Moldova’s electricity needs – Exporting power to Ukraine, Romania, and Russia
Synchronization– Agreement signed in November 2008 to synchronize some power units with the synchronous grid of Continental Europe in Romania – Through 400 kV Kuchurhan–Vulcănești and Vulcănești–Isaccea transmission lines
Debt LiabilityOwes an estimated $9 billion to Gazprom as of 2022, unpaid gas usage for over 15 years
Termination of Sales– Ceased supplying Moldova with electricity in November 2022 due to reduced gas supplies from Russia – Recommenced in early 2023 – Moldova announced it would no longer buy electricity once a high-voltage power line from Romania is installed in 2025

image : Cuciurgan Power Station – Copyright of

image : Cuciurgan Power Station – Copyright of

image : Cuciurgan Power Station – Wikipedia

image : Cuciurgan Power Station –

image : Cuciurgan Power Station – Copyright of

However, Moldova is actively pursuing alternatives to mitigate this vulnerability. Efforts are underway to establish direct electricity interconnections with Romania and the EU, thereby reducing reliance on Transnistria. The completion of a high-voltage line connecting Moldova’s grid with that of Romania, scheduled for 2025, promises to significantly enhance Moldova’s energy security and diminish Russian influence in the region.

The significance of Moldova’s quest for energy independence extends beyond its borders. By reducing its reliance on Russian energy, Moldova not only strengthens its own sovereignty but also contributes to the broader goal of European energy diversification and security. As Moldova continues to chart its path towards greater autonomy, European leaders must rally behind initiatives aimed at supporting Moldova’s energy reforms and bolstering its resilience against external pressures.

In conclusion, Moldova’s journey towards energy independence represents a strategic shift away from Russian influence and towards greater integration with Europe. By breaking free from the shackles of energy dependency, Moldova not only safeguards its own security but also reinforces Europe’s collective resilience against geopolitical threats. As Moldova navigates the challenges ahead, steadfast support from European partners will be instrumental in realizing its vision of a future untethered from Russian energy dominance.

Escalating Tensions: The Geopolitical Dynamics of Transnistria’s Potential Annexation by Russia

The geopolitical landscape surrounding the pro-Russian breakaway region of Transnistria in Moldova has become increasingly tense, with significant developments suggesting potential moves towards annexation by Russia. President of Transnistria, Vadim Krasnoselsky, has leveraged Moldova’s military engagements and partnerships as evidence of a threat to Transnistria, framing the region as under defense by Russian forces since 1992 to protect ethnic Russian and Russian-speaking populations. Such narratives are part of broader information operations aimed at destabilizing Moldova and framing Russia as a protector, a strategy reminiscent of Kremlin’s actions in Ukraine​​.

Reports suggest that the speaker of Transnistria’s parliament has reached out to Moscow about the possibility of joining the Russian Federation. This move is underscored by a historical context where, in 2006, a significant majority of Transnistrian voters supported a referendum on joining Russia, indicating longstanding desires for closer ties with Moscow. The presence of Russian military personnel in Transnistria, originally labeled as a peacekeeping force, further complicates the situation, raising concerns about potential military implications​​.

The Institute for the Study of War (ISW) warns that Transnistria might soon formally request annexation by Russia, a development that could significantly alter the region’s status quo. The ISW highlights a planned Transnistrian Congress of Deputies as a critical moment for such a request, which aligns with Putin’s broader ambitions to unify Russian-speaking territories. This move is anticipated to be justified on the grounds of protecting Russian citizens and ‘compatriots’ in Transnistria from perceived threats from Moldova or NATO​​.

For the first time in 18 years, a congress of deputies from all levels is convening in Transnistria, potentially to formalize an appeal to Russia for annexation. This event is seen as a pivotal moment that could solidify Transnistria’s pro-Russia stance without necessitating another referendum, reaffirming the 2006 decision to seek unification with Russia and the Eurasian Union. The timing of this congress, just before Putin’s address to the Russian parliament, is viewed by some as a strategic move to facilitate a formal request for annexation​​.

These developments indicate a critical juncture in Transnistria’s long-standing conflict with Moldova, potentially escalating tensions in a region already fraught with geopolitical complexity. The outcomes of these movements could have far-reaching implications, not only for Moldova and Transnistria but also for the broader Eastern European security landscape, highlighting the intricate interplay of local separatist ambitions and major power politics.

Addressing Nuclear Perils: Collaborative Efforts Enhance Security in Transnistria and Moldova

The collaboration between the US National Nuclear Security Administration’s Office of Radiological Security (NNSA ORS), the Swedish Radiation Safety Authority, and Moldova marks a significant stride towards bolstering the security and sustainability standards concerning Category 1 radioactive sources within the nation. This partnership, rooted in adherence to Agency guidelines and pertinent international protocols, reflects a concerted effort to fortify Moldova’s regulatory framework and operational practices.

Assisted by the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) and the Swedish Authority, Moldova has achieved a milestone in reestablishing regulatory oversight over more than 200 radioactive sources previously abandoned, predominantly situated in the region of Transnistria. This reassertion of control not only mitigates potential security risks but also underscores a commitment to safeguarding against illicit proliferation and environmental hazards.

Central to Moldova’s endeavor is the comprehensive action plan devised to enact its national strategy on radioactive waste management spanning the years 2017 to 2026. Supported by the Department of Technical Cooperation and the Swedish Authority, this plan encompasses multifaceted initiatives aimed at enhancing the disposal and decommissioning processes of legacy radioactive waste facilities.

One pivotal aspect of this strategy entails the decommissioning of Moldova’s RADON-type disposal facility, which houses legacy radioactive waste materials. The concerted efforts, bolstered by technical expertise and international cooperation, signify a proactive approach towards addressing environmental concerns and ensuring the safe and sustainable management of radioactive waste.

In light of evolving global security dynamics and the imperative for stringent regulatory measures, the collaborative efforts between Moldova and its international partners underscore a paradigm shift towards proactive risk mitigation and sustainable management practices. The integration of best practices and technical assistance not only augments Moldova’s capacity but also serves as a testament to the efficacy of international cooperation in addressing complex security challenges.

This strategic partnership exemplifies a shared commitment towards fostering a secure, resilient, and sustainable nuclear security architecture, resonating with the broader objectives of global non-proliferation efforts and environmental stewardship. As Moldova advances towards achieving the highest standards of security and sustainability in its radioactive waste management endeavors, the collaborative synergy between national authorities and international partners serves as a beacon of hope for effective multilateral cooperation in addressing nuclear security challenges worldwide.

Securing Radioactive Materials in Contested Territories: Moldova’s Success Story in Transdniestria

The International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) underscores that the primary responsibility for securing nuclear and radioactive materials and facilities rests with individual states. However, ambiguity arises when addressing such responsibilities in contested territories—areas embroiled in political, territorial, or religious disputes, where governance is unclear. These “grey zones” present significant challenges, serving as potential hubs for criminal activities, including illicit trafficking of radioactive materials. Of particular concern are territories like Abkhazia, South Ossetia, Nagorno-Karabakh, Transdniestria, and the Donbas Region, where Soviet-era nuclear materials remain, often with lax security measures.

The collapse of the Soviet Union led to the abandonment, theft, or loss of many devices containing radioactive materials, with notable incidents occurring in or near these contested territories. Compounded by the absence or inadequacy of nuclear regulatory bodies and technical capabilities, securing radioactive sources in such regions becomes an arduous task. However, instances of successful cooperation between states and breakaway regions, like Moldova’s efforts in Transdniestria, offer promising solutions.

Since 2012, Moldova has conducted over 20 missions to remove approximately 2,700 disused sealed radioactive sources and devices from Transdniestria, with facilitation from the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE). This initiative stands as a successful model of cooperation and confidence-building measures, demonstrating effective communication channels and technical capacities.

Analyzing the multifaceted factors contributing to Moldova’s success in securing radioactive materials in Transdniestria begins with a historical overview of the conflict in the region, followed by an identification of the challenges to radiation safety and security. The removal cases and communication channels between stakeholders are then summarized, emphasizing the importance of dialogue and collaboration.

The research methodology involved gathering data from stakeholders directly involved in the removal process, supplemented by technical consultations with experts and an analysis of publicly available sources. The study concludes with an examination of the lessons learned from Moldova’s experience, proposing that similar approaches could be adapted for securing radioactive materials in other contested territories.

Moldova’s proactive approach, coupled with international support from organizations like the OSCE, provides a valuable blueprint for addressing the challenges of securing radioactive materials in contested territories. While recognizing the uniqueness of each conflict, the lessons drawn from Moldova’s experience offer valuable insights for other nations facing similar issues, highlighting the importance of cooperation and proactive measures in ensuring global nuclear security.

Safely Extracting Disused Radioactive Sources from Transdniestria: A Multi-Year Effort in Nuclear Security

Between 2012 and 2019, Moldovan representatives, supported by their Transdniestrian counterparts, undertook a series of meticulous missions aimed at the assessment, dismantling, packaging, and transportation of nearly 2,700 disused and orphaned radioactive sources from various sites in the Transdniestria region. This collaborative effort culminated in the safe relocation of these sources to the designated storage facility of the National Radioactive Waste Management Company “Special Facilities 5101, 5102” in Chisinau.

The removal project spanned 25 sites across four cities in Transdniestria: Rybnitsa, Tiraspol, Bender, and Dnestrovsk. These sites included industrial enterprises, local government buildings, and public facilities established during the Soviet era. Notably, the majority of these facilities remained operational, underscoring the importance of the removal operation in mitigating potential risks to public health and safety.

The disused radioactive sources encompassed a spectrum of isotopes, including Co-60, Cs-137, Sr-90, Am-241, Ra-226, and others, with applications ranging from smoke detectors to industrial and research equipment. Of particular significance were the low-activity radioactive sources containing Pu-239, constituting the largest portion of the removed inventory.

The removal process commenced in 2012 with the extraction of smaller devices, gradually building up to more complex operations. The most notable extraction occurred in October 2019, involving the removal of the gamma irradiator Issedovatel-1 from the Pridnestrovskiy Research Institute for Agriculture in Tiraspol. This irradiation device, containing 36 Co-60 sources, posed significant technical challenges, leading to a prolonged removal process spanning over a decade.

Several factors contributed to the extended duration of the removal process, including political considerations, the need for financial support, and a lack of prior experience in such endeavors by both parties. Additionally, the complexity of handling the Issedovatel-1 irradiator necessitated meticulous planning, enhanced safety measures, and the utilization of specialized equipment.

Throughout the removal campaign, the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) played a crucial role, not only facilitating the process but also providing funding through extrabudgetary means. Other notable contributors to the funding included the Swedish Radiation Safety Authority and the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), underscoring the international cooperation and support for nuclear security initiatives.

The removal of disused sealed radioactive sources and materials from Transdniestria unfolded through a meticulously planned three-stage process, characterized by (1) a working level initiative, (2) a political commitment, and (3) implementation.

Stage I – Working Level Initiative

The initial discussions surrounding the removal of radioactive sources from Transdniestria commenced at the close of 2008. In November 2008, formal correspondence between the Agriculture Institute in Tiraspol and the National Agency for Regulation of Nuclear and Radiological Activities (NARNRA) signaled the beginning of this initiative. Specifically, attention was drawn to the Soviet-era gamma irradiator, Issledovatel-1, which had fallen into disuse. NARNRA promptly responded to these communications, expressing willingness to assess the technical condition of Issledovatel-1 to ensure compliance with transportation safety standards.

Over the next 2.5 years, NARNRA engaged in continuous correspondence with the leadership of the Agriculture Institute and various other Transdniestrian organizations and enterprises with disused radioactive sources. By early 2011, these exchanges culminated in the invitation extended by the Agriculture Institute for NARNRA experts to conduct a technical assessment of the Issledovatel-1 irradiator. Subsequently, NARNRA notified Moldova’s Ministry of Environment about their intention to dispatch a delegation to Transdniestria. Cooperation expanded further as both entities approached the OSCE office in Tiraspol, which facilitated communication with Transdniestrian authorities.

This collaborative effort led to the establishment of a Working Group comprising representatives from both Moldova and Transdniestria. Notable participants included chief negotiators from the Republic of Moldova’s Ministry of Agriculture, Ministry of Environment, NARNRA, and counterparts from the PMR Security Service, as well as the Sanitary and Epidemiological Service. Despite its brief existence, the Working Group played a pivotal role in drafting an agreement that laid the groundwork for the subsequent removal of radioactive sources from Transdniestria.

The working level initiative exemplified the initial steps towards addressing the issue of disused radioactive sources in Transdniestria. It underscored the importance of technical assessments, collaborative efforts between Moldovan and Transdniestrian authorities, and the involvement of international organizations such as the OSCE in facilitating dialogue and cooperation between the parties involved.

Stage II – The Evolution of Political Commitment in Transdniestria-Moldova Relations: The Removal of Radioactive Sources

In the complex and often delicate dance of international relations and political negotiations, the case of Transdniestria and Moldova presents a unique study of how technical discussions can evolve into significant political commitments. This narrative particularly unfolds through the intricate process of removing radioactive sources from the territory of Transdniestria, a project that not only demanded technical expertise but also a high level of political engagement and trust-building between the two sides.

The journey towards this significant political and environmental milestone began as working-level communications concerning the technical details of the potential arrangement percolated through the political hierarchy. It soon engaged prominent political stakeholders, including PMR Chief Negotiator Nina Shevchuk (formerly known as Shtanski) and Moldova’s Deputy Prime Minister for Reintegration, Evgen Carpov. Both individuals played pivotal roles, with Carpov acting as the chief negotiator for Moldova. Their active involvement underscored the growing political commitment on both sides to address a long-standing issue that had been neglected since the collapse of the Soviet Union: the safe disposal of radioactive sources.

Nina Shevchuk revealed in comments to the authors that the initiative to bring this matter to the Permanent Conference (5+2) agenda originated from Transdniestria. The underlying motivation was to systematically resolve the disposal of radioactive sources, a critical environmental and safety issue unaddressed for decades. Before initiating dialogue with Moldova, Shevchuk engaged in consultations with officials from the OSCE Mission in Chisinau to garner their support and secure necessary financial backing.

The political groundwork for the radioactive removal project was solidified with the signing of the Protocol Decision on the order and procedures for the removal of ionizing radiation sources located in Transnistria (hereafter referred to as the 2012 Protocol Decision) on March 14, 2012. This agreement marked a significant accomplishment, heralding a new phase in cooperation through what Shevchuk described as the “tactic of small steps.” This approach aimed to sideline the thornier military and political issues of the conflict, focusing instead on addressing social and economic challenges that could yield mutual benefits and foster progress in the Transdniestria settlement process.

The reasons behind PMR’s decision to proceed with this initiative were multifaceted, including environmental and radiation safety concerns and the recognition of the need for interaction in areas where the absence of cooperation posed significant safety and security risks. This collaborative effort not only addressed a pressing environmental issue but also contributed to building an atmosphere of trust between the conflicting parties.

The process of removing the radioactive sources was extensively documented and publicized in Transdniestria through various media channels, including news reports, official statements, and detailed accounts of each removal mission on the PMR Foreign Ministry’s official website. This publicity campaign underscored the process as a successful example of cooperation and trust-building with Chisinau. Similarly, the OSCE communicated to the authors that it views the project as a confidence-building measure that promotes cooperation between the two sides. While Moldovan authorities seem to share this perspective, their public endorsement and communication on the matter appear to be more restrained, as evidenced by the lack of related reports on the Republic of Moldova Foreign Ministry’s website.

An important economic dimension also underpins Tiraspol’s engagement in the removal process. By collaborating with international stakeholders to facilitate and fund the removals, Transdniestria addressed the disposal of disused radioactive sources without incurring financial burdens. This approach not only solved an immediate environmental and safety problem but also paved the way for the future import of new radioactive sources for use in Transdniestrian facilities, highlighting an economic benefit alongside the environmental and political achievements of this initiative.

This detailed account of the political commitment between Transdniestria and Moldova over the removal of radioactive sources illustrates the multifaceted nature of international negotiations. It shows how addressing a technical issue can evolve into a significant political agreement, fostering cooperation, building trust, and ultimately contributing to the resolution of broader conflicts.

Stage III – Ensuring Safety and Security Through the Implementation of the 2012 Protocol Decision: The Removal of Disused Radioactive Sources in Moldova

The structured and systematic approach to the removal of disused radioactive sources in Moldova exemplifies a significant achievement in the domain of nuclear safety and security. This complex operation, governed by the 2012 Protocol Decision, underscores the meticulous planning and international collaboration essential in handling hazardous materials. The adherence to established guidelines and the rigorous execution of removal missions demonstrate a unified effort to mitigate potential risks associated with radioactive sources. This article delves into the detailed processes and collaborative efforts that marked the successful implementation of these removal missions, highlighting the importance of international standards and local strategies in ensuring public safety and environmental protection.

A Coordinated Effort Guided by International Standards

The operation to remove disused radioactive sources was characterized by a high degree of coordination among various entities, including source owners/operators, regulatory bodies, and international agencies. Central to the success of these missions was the unwavering compliance with the 2012 Protocol Decision, which provided a comprehensive framework for the procedures to be followed. Moreover, the adherence to the guidelines and safety standards as prescribed by authoritative bodies such as the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) ensured that all activities were conducted within a safe and secure framework. Notably, the process often involved consolidating removal efforts from multiple locations into a single mission, thereby optimizing resources and enhancing efficiency.

The Multi-Layered Process of Removal Missions

The removal of disused radioactive sources was far from a straightforward task. It necessitated extensive planning, often spanning several months, and drew upon a broad spectrum of technical competencies. The initial phase involved establishing contact between the source owner/operator and the Moldovan regulator, paving the way for a detailed inventory of the radioactive sources and hazardous materials designated for removal. Following this, a technical visit by experts from NARNRA (National Agency for Regulation of Nuclear and Radiological Activities), the National Radioactive Waste Management Company, and other specialists was conducted to assess the condition of these sources.

Subsequent steps involved the development of a decommissioning plan and a strategy for packaging and transportation, which required approval from NARNRA. The final stages encompassed the dismantlement, secure packaging, transportation, and storage of the radioactive materials, ensuring that every aspect of the process was executed with the utmost precision and care to safeguard public and environmental health.

Publicity and Promotion: A Tale of Two Perspectives

The removal missions, particularly those from the Transdniestria region, received varying degrees of publicity and promotion. On one hand, the separatist PMR government utilized these events to underscore the success of their diplomatic efforts and to reinforce their legitimacy. Detailed reports on the PMR Ministry of Foreign Affairs website provided valuable insights into the scope and nature of the removal missions, including specifics on the number and types of radioactive sources removed.

Conversely, the Republic of Moldova’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs adopted a more restrained approach to publicizing these activities. Concerns over the potential radiation safety threat to the population of Chisinau-controlled territories and the desire not to legitimize the separatist authorities’ actions contributed to this cautious stance. Furthermore, the Moldovan experts advocated for limited publicity, prioritizing operational security and the smooth execution of the removal process over public disclosure.

The OSCE Mission in Moldova played a pivotal role in facilitating these efforts, promoting the removal missions as a testament to successful cooperation in the Transdniestria settlement process and as a means of fostering trust among communities on both sides of the Nistru/Dniestr river. Media coverage in both Moldovan and Transdniestrian outlets, typically post-removal, further underscored the bipartite commitment to maintaining operational security while acknowledging the significance of these missions.

The implementation of the 2012 Protocol Decision in the removal of disused radioactive sources in Moldova is a hallmark of effective international cooperation and adherence to safety and security standards. Through meticulous planning, a multi-layered operational approach, and strategic publicity and promotion efforts, all stakeholders demonstrated a collective commitment to ensuring the well-being of the public and the environment. This operation not only mitigated potential risks associated with radioactive materials but also served as a model of collaboration and trust-building in a region marked by political and territorial complexities.

Bridging Divides: The Moldova-Transdniestria Radioactive Source Removal Success Story

The recent cooperation between the Republic of Moldova and the breakaway region of Transdniestria in removing disused radioactive sources from contested territories stands as a beacon of successful conflict resolution and technical cooperation in an area fraught with tension. This endeavor has not only mitigated significant environmental and security risks but also showcased a rare instance of collaboration across the divide of an ongoing conflict. The process and outcomes of this initiative offer invaluable lessons for other nations grappling with similar challenges, shedding light on the potential for cooperation even under the most strained circumstances.

A Pragmatic Approach to Conflict Resolution

The cornerstone of success in the Transdniestria radioactive source removal was the adoption of a pragmatic, step-by-step approach by both conflicting sides. The initiative began with the removal of smaller, more manageable radioactive sources before progressing to the more challenging task of securing and removing the Issledovatel-1 irradiator, which contained category 2 sources of Cobalt-60 (Co-60). This phased approach allowed both parties to “test the waters,” gradually building the necessary experience and mutual trust required for tackling the removal of larger, higher-activity sources. This methodological strategy not only facilitated the technical aspects of the operation but also served as a confidence-building measure, proving that collaboration was possible even amidst ongoing disputes.

Shared Motivations: The Foundation for Cooperation

The initiative’s success was significantly bolstered by identifying and leveraging shared motivations between the Republic of Moldova and Transdniestria. Both parties recognized the imminent risks and threats posed by radioactive materials that had fallen outside of effective regulatory control. This mutual acknowledgment of the dangers provided a common ground for action. Furthermore, the Transdniestrian operators, dependent on the National Agency for Regulation of Nuclear and Radiological Activities (NARNRA) for the authorization to import new radioactive sources, saw the disposal of disused sources as an opportunity to ensure the continuous supply of necessary materials. This cooperative effort was also underpinned by economic incentives; with Moldova lacking the financial resources and Transdniestria the economic, human, and technical capabilities for disposal, collaboration emerged as the most viable solution.

Political and Economic Benefits of Cooperation

The collaboration between Chisinau and Tiraspol yielded significant political and economic benefits for both sides. For Chisinau, this initiative was a step towards fulfilling its legal obligations to secure all radioactive sources within its territory, a move aligned with the implementation of UN Security Council Resolution 1540. For Tiraspol, the removal efforts were a means to bolster its legitimacy and contribute towards a potential conflict resolution. The engagement in this technical and relatively apolitical issue was seen as a strategic “tactic of small steps” towards building trust and addressing more complex political challenges in the future.

International Support and Financial Assistance

The financial and political support from international stakeholders, including the OSCE, SSM, and IAEA, was pivotal in the successful execution of the removals. This support not only provided the necessary resources for the operation but also brought political stakeholders to the negotiating table, fostering an environment conducive to dialogue and cooperation. While the specific donor countries remain undisclosed, the role of international assistance underscores the importance of transparency and direct communication in mobilizing support for similar initiatives.

Building Confidence Through Professional Relationships

The initiative also leveraged existing professional relationships and mutual respect between experts on both sides, many of whom had connections dating back to the Soviet era. These relationships were instrumental in facilitating cooperation and overcoming technical and political barriers. The invitation of Moldovan experts to address radiological incidents in Transdniestria, the establishment of NARNRA as an independent regulatory body, and the delivery of training courses on nuclear security and nonproliferation are examples of how professional exchanges and education can enhance trust and collaboration between conflicting parties.

Adherence to International Guidelines and Safe Removal

A critical component of the initiative’s success was the strict adherence to IAEA and other international guidelines on the safety and security of radioactive materials. This adherence ensured that the removal operations were conducted in a manner that minimized risk and maximized safety. The role of NARNRA, with its qualified technical experts and issuance of necessary permits, was crucial in this aspect, demonstrating the importance of experienced regulation in managing such complex and sensitive operations.

The Role of the OSCE as an International Facilitator

The involvement of the OSCE throughout the process was a testament to the value of having an international facilitator in conflict resolution efforts. The OSCE’s presence helped assure both parties of the other’s commitment to the initiative and limited the politicization of the process. Moreover, the OSCE’s efforts to reduce radiological risks and foster confidence among the parties contributed significantly to the broader goal of advancing the Transdniestria settlement process.

A Model for Future Cooperation

The technical cooperation between Moldova and Transdniestria provides a successful blueprint for addressing conflicts over the management of dangerous materials. This initiative demonstrates that with a pragmatic approach, shared motivations, and international support, it is possible to transcend political and ideological divides for the common good. The lessons learned from this experience are applicable not only to radioactive materials but also to other hazardous substances that, if neglected, pose severe threats to human and environmental safety. The Moldova-Transdniestria case is a compelling example of how diplomacy, technical expertise, and international collaboration can combine to resolve complex challenges, offering a model for other nations facing similar issues.

United States’ Perspective on Transnistria: Navigating Cultural and Political Challenges

The geopolitical landscape of Eastern Europe, particularly the precarious situation in Transnistria, a narrow strip of land nestled between Moldova and Ukraine, has been a subject of intense scrutiny and debate among American policymakers. Recognizing the strategic significance of this region, some American officials, including former National Security Advisor John R. Bolton, have called for a more assertive approach toward Russia’s influence in Transnistria. On 13 May 2021, Bolton urged the Biden administration to challenge Moscow’s military presence in the area, highlighting the opportunity presented by a new government in Chisinau, Moldova’s capital, to address what he describes as a “post–Cold War anomaly” created and sustained by Russian intervention.

This stance was promptly met with criticism from Transnistrian media. On 17 May 2021, Novosti PMR, a state-owned publication in the Pridnestrovian Moldavian Republic (PMR), accused American policymakers of promoting stereotypes and misunderstanding the historical and cultural context of Transnistria’s declaration of independence. The publication characterized the United States as expansionist and aggressive, suggesting that any American intervention would be perceived as an act of hostility rather than support for sovereignty or democracy.

This exchange underscores a fundamental disconnect in understanding and interpreting the situation in Transnistria. From the American perspective, Russia’s military presence is a clear violation of international norms and a barrier to resolving the conflict. However, many in Transnistria view Russian support as a bulwark against Moldovan nationalism and a potential civil war, reflecting deeply entrenched cultural and political divides.

In navigating these complexities, the United States faces a delicate balancing act. While the temptation to directly confront Russian influence is strong, such actions risk reinforcing Transnistrian cultural biases and hindering efforts toward reintegration with Moldova. Instead, a more nuanced approach that leverages diplomatic and economic tools may offer a path forward. By supporting Moldova’s economic development and addressing corruption, the United States can indirectly challenge Russian influence while fostering conditions that encourage Transnistrians to engage more closely with Moldova and the broader European community.

The proposal to condition American support on Moldova’s progress in combating corruption illustrates this strategy. While initially, such measures might be portrayed negatively in Transnistrian media, they also offer an opportunity to differentiate between U.S. and Moldovan interests, potentially easing cultural tensions and opening new avenues for dialogue and cooperation.

Ultimately, the goal of American policy should be to promote a resolution to the Transnistria conflict that respects the rights and aspirations of all parties involved. This requires a careful, strategic approach that recognizes the complexities of Transnistrian identity and seeks to build bridges rather than deepen divides. By focusing on indirect measures to counter Russian influence and support Moldova’s development, the United States can contribute to a future in which Transnistria and Moldova can navigate their differences and forge a shared path forward.

This nuanced approach reflects a broader understanding of the challenges facing the region and the need for policies that address not only the geopolitical dimensions of the conflict but also the cultural and historical factors that shape the perspectives of those living in Transnistria. As the situation evolves, continued engagement and a commitment to understanding the diverse views of all stakeholders will be critical to achieving a peaceful and sustainable resolution.

Copyright of
Even partial reproduction of the contents is not permitted without prior authorization – Reproduction reserved

reference link :

  • International Atomic Energy Agency, “Nuclear Security Recommendations on Radioactive Material and Associated Facilities,” IAEA Nuclear Security Series, No. 14, 2011, https://www-
  • Ratz, L., Bufford, J., Gustavson, C. Iliopulos, I., and Rockwood, L. “Radioactive Sources in Contested Spaces: Assessing the Political and Legal Dimensions of International Response to Radioactive Sources in Areas with Weak or Non-Existent Regulatory Controls,” Annual Meeting of the Institute for Nuclear Materials Management, July 14-18, 2019.
  • Davenport, K. “Smugglers Arrested in Moldova,” Arms Control Today, November 2015,
  • Zaitseva, L., and Steinhäusler, F. “Nuclear Trafficking Issues in the Black Sea Region”, EU Non- Proliferation Consortium Non-Proliferation Papers, April 2014, No. 39,
  • Obiectele Speciale 5101, 5102, “Technical proposal (Rev.1). Dismantling and transportation of Disused Sealed Radioactive Sources in the Republic of Moldova”, RFP: 235316-DTE, 21 June 2019, b3e435fa4b9f.
  • Taranko Acosta, N. “Transnistria, unrecognized nation-state in search of its national identity between Russia and Moldova,” Center For Russia and Eastern Europe Research, accessed on August 4, 2021, search-of-its-national-identity-between-russia-and-moldova/.
  • University of Arkansas, “Moldova/Transnistria (1990-Present),” accessed on August 4, 2021,  dniester-1990-present/.
  • United Nations, “Note Verbale Dated 31 July 1992 from the Permanent Mission of Moldova to the                United         Nations            Addressed  to                                              the   Secretary-General,” 6                    August         1992, PpeacefulSettlementDniestrConflict.pdf.
  • Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe, “Press releases and statements related to the 5+2 negotiations on the Transdniestrian settlement process”, accessed on August 4, 2021,
  • Apostol, I. “Statement by the Republic of Moldova at the 63nd IAEA General Conference Vienna,” September 16-20, 2019, moldova.pdf.
  • “Protocol Decision on the order and procedures of the removal of ionizing radiation sources located on the territory of Transnistria,” March 14, 2012,
  • Shevchuk, N. (ed.), “Pressing Issues of the Pridnestrovian Foreign Policy (2012-2013),” 1st edition, Bender: Poligrafist, 2013.



Please enter your comment!
Please enter your name here

Questo sito usa Akismet per ridurre lo spam. Scopri come i tuoi dati vengono elaborati.