Iran’s Strategic Maneuvers in the Middle East: Nuclear Ambitions, Regional Stability and the Syrian Crisis in 2025

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Iran’s foreign policy in 2025 remains a complex interplay of ideological commitments, strategic imperatives, and pragmatic responses to a rapidly shifting Middle Eastern landscape. At the heart of this dynamic lies Tehran’s persistent pursuit of nuclear capabilities, a pursuit that has long been framed by Western powers and regional adversaries as a destabilizing force aimed at upsetting the balance of power and threatening the existence of Israel and the United States. Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi, in a statement reported by The Jerusalem Post on January 5, 2025, articulated Iran’s regional outlook, emphasizing the Middle East as a “strategic field” where each nation plays a pivotal role. His remarks, delivered amid the fallout of Syria’s disintegration following the opposition offensive in late November 2024, underscore Tehran’s fixation on maintaining Syrian unity and territorial integrity as a bulwark against Israeli influence. This article examines Iran’s nuclear ambitions, its anti-Israel rhetoric, and its response to the Syrian crisis, situating these developments within the broader geopolitical, economic, and security contexts of 2025. Drawing on authoritative data from institutions such as the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), the United Nations Security Council (UNSC), and the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI), the analysis reveals the multifaceted challenges Tehran faces as it navigates a region marked by instability, economic strain, and intensifying international pressure.

Iran’s nuclear program has been a cornerstone of its strategic posture since the early 2000s, evolving from a nascent research effort into a sophisticated enterprise that, by 2025, continues to provoke global alarm. The IAEA’s November 2024 report, published as part of its quarterly safeguards assessments, indicates that Iran’s stockpile of enriched uranium has reached 6,200 kilograms, with approximately 185 kilograms enriched to 60% purity—levels perilously close to the 90% threshold required for weapons-grade material. This accumulation, which exceeds the limits set by the 2015 Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) by a factor of 20, reflects Tehran’s deliberate rollback of commitments following the United States’ withdrawal from the agreement in 2018 under President Donald Trump. The JCPOA, endorsed by UNSC Resolution 2231 on July 20, 2015, had capped Iran’s enrichment at 3.67% and its stockpile at 300 kilograms, in exchange for sanctions relief. However, the Biden administration’s failure to revive the deal by 2021, coupled with Iran’s subsequent advancements, has left the international community grappling with a program that, according to the Institute for Science and International Security’s January 2025 assessment, could produce enough fissile material for three nuclear weapons within weeks if Tehran chose to sprint toward weaponization.

Tehran’s official narrative, reiterated by Araghchi in a January 3, 2025, interview with China’s CCTV network, insists that its nuclear activities are peaceful, aimed at energy production and medical research under the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), to which Iran is a signatory since 1970. This claim aligns with Iran’s historical justification, rooted in its 1950s-era cooperation with the United States under the Atoms for Peace program. Yet, skepticism abounds. The U.S. State Department’s 2025 Annual Threat Assessment, released on February 15, asserts that Iran’s enrichment levels and centrifuge cascades—over 20,000 operational units, including advanced IR-6 models, per IAEA data—far exceed civilian requirements. The report cites Iran’s refusal to grant IAEA inspectors full access to undeclared sites, such as the Turquzabad facility identified in 2018, as evidence of potential covert activities. Israel, in a March 2025 briefing to the UNSC, echoed this concern, pointing to intercepted intelligence suggesting Iran has maintained a parallel military nuclear program since at least 2003, a charge Tehran denies but which aligns with declassified U.S. National Intelligence Estimates from 2007.

The nuclear question is inseparable from Iran’s broader anti-Israel stance, a policy that has shaped its regional strategy since the 1979 Islamic Revolution. Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei’s October 2024 address, broadcast by Iran’s state-run Press TV, reaffirmed this position, calling Israel a “usurping Zionist entity” whose elimination remains a moral and strategic imperative. This rhetoric, while consistent with decades of Iranian pronouncements, gained urgency in 2025 as Israel capitalized on Syria’s collapse to expand its military footprint. Following the opposition’s capture of Damascus on December 8, 2024, as reported by Reuters, Israeli forces seized the Syrian side of Mount Hermon in the Golan Heights, a move Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu justified on December 9 by declaring the 1974 Israel-Syria Separation of Forces Agreement “void” due to the withdrawal of Syrian troops. The Israeli Air Force then launched over 200 airstrikes on Syrian military targets between December 10 and December 15, according to the Syrian Observatory for Human Rights, targeting remnants of Iran-backed militias and weapons depots. Netanyahu’s subsequent demand for a demilitarized southern Syria, articulated in a December 20 speech, directly challenged Iran’s long-standing supply lines to Hezbollah in Lebanon, a critical component of its “Axis of Resistance.”

Araghchi’s response to these developments, as quoted by The New Arab on December 4, 2024, framed Syria’s stability as a regional linchpin. “The disintegration of Syria poses a great danger,” he warned, arguing that its fragmentation would empower Israel and undermine Middle Eastern security. This perspective reflects Iran’s strategic calculus: Syria has served as a conduit for arms and personnel to Hezbollah since the 1980s, a role formalized during the Syrian Civil War when Iran deployed thousands of Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) advisors to prop up Bashar al-Assad’s regime. The International Crisis Group’s December 2024 report estimates that Iran invested over $30 billion in Syria between 2011 and 2021, a figure corroborated by the World Bank’s 2022 analysis of Tehran’s regional expenditures. The fall of Assad in 2024, however, severed this lifeline, forcing Iran to reassess its influence amid the rise of Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS), a Sunni Islamist group that Araghchi labeled a “terrorist entity” in a November 30 Press TV interview, accusing it of serving Israeli and U.S. interests—a claim unsupported by direct evidence but reflective of Tehran’s narrative of external conspiracy.

Economically, Iran’s nuclear and regional ambitions are constrained by a domestic crisis exacerbated by U.S. sanctions reimposed in 2025 under President Trump’s second term. The Central Bank of Iran reported on March 25, 2025, that the rial had depreciated to 1,024,100 to the U.S. dollar, a record low from 989,000 the previous day, per data cited by Entekhab News. This plunge, driven by Trump’s “maximum pressure” policy, has crippled Iran’s oil exports, which the International Energy Agency (IEA) estimates fell to 800,000 barrels per day in January 2025 from 1.2 million in mid-2024. The IMF’s World Economic Outlook, updated in January 2025, projects Iran’s GDP to contract by 2.8% this year, with inflation soaring to 45%, figures that underscore the regime’s vulnerability. Yet, President Masoud Pezeshkian, in a February 2025 televised address, dismissed sanctions’ impact, asserting Iran’s resource wealth—over 155 billion barrels of proven oil reserves, per OPEC’s 2024 Annual Statistical Bulletin—could sustain it. This optimism belies the reality: the U.S. Treasury’s Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC) reported on February 10, 2025, that secondary sanctions have deterred Chinese and Indian buyers, reducing Iran’s oil revenue by $15 billion annually.

Iran’s diplomatic efforts in 2025 reflect a bid to offset these pressures. Araghchi’s January 3 CCTV interview signaled Tehran’s openness to nuclear talks, proposing a return to the JCPOA’s “trust-building” formula—sanctions relief for verifiable nuclear curbs. This overture, the clearest since Trump’s re-election, aligns with Iran’s outreach to China, a key ally. During Araghchi’s December 27-28, 2024, visit to Beijing, reported by Xinhua, he secured a $2 billion trade deal, per China’s Ministry of Commerce, bolstering Iran’s economy amid Western isolation. The Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) notes in its January 2025 brief that China’s imports of Iranian oil, averaging 600,000 barrels per day in 2024 per IEA data, provide a lifeline, though Beijing’s reluctance to defy U.S. sanctions limits its scope. Similarly, Iran’s January 17, 2025, strategic partnership treaty with Russia, signed during Araghchi’s Moscow visit and detailed by GlobalSecurity.org, enhances military and energy cooperation, with Rosneft committing to $1.5 billion in Iranian gas field investments, per Russia’s Ministry of Energy.

The Syrian crisis, however, tests these alliances. Russia, a co-guarantor of the Astana process with Iran and Turkey since 2017, has scaled back its Syrian presence, with the Russian Ministry of Defense reporting on December 15, 2024, that only 2,000 troops remain at Hmeimim Air Base, down from 4,000 in 2023, per SIPRI estimates. Turkey, meanwhile, has tacitly supported HTS, complicating Iran’s position. The Atlantic Council’s March 2025 analysis suggests Ankara’s priority is containing Kurdish forces, not aligning with Tehran’s anti-Israel agenda. Araghchi’s December 7 visit to Qatar, documented by The Jerusalem Post, aimed to rally Astana partners, but yielded no concrete commitments, highlighting Iran’s diminishing regional leverage.

Israel’s actions in Syria amplify this isolation. The Israeli Defense Forces’ (IDF) control of Mount Hermon, confirmed by UN observers on December 12, 2024, per a UNSC briefing, secures a strategic vantage point overlooking Damascus, 40 kilometers away. Netanyahu’s demilitarization demand, backed by 2025 U.S. military aid of $3.8 billion per the U.S. Congressional Research Service, signals a long-term buffer zone, disrupting Iran’s supply chain. The IDF’s December airstrikes destroyed 70% of Syria’s remaining air defenses, per the UK-based Airwars project, leaving Iran’s proxies exposed. Hezbollah, weakened by Israeli operations in 2024 that killed over 3,000 fighters per Lebanon’s Health Ministry, struggles to replenish via Syria, with the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) reporting on January 15, 2025, that border closures have halved its arms flow.

Iran’s nuclear rhetoric, meanwhile, escalates tensions. Araghchi’s October 13, 2024, Politico.eu statement—”we have no red lines in defending our interests”—foreshadowed Iran’s October 26 missile strike on Israel, a retaliation for assassinations of Hamas and Hezbollah leaders, per Iran’s Foreign Ministry. The attack, involving 180 ballistic missiles per Israel’s Ministry of Defense, prompted Trump’s February 4, 2025, call for a new nuclear deal, reported by The Times of Israel. Tehran’s defiance, coupled with its 2025 military budget of $11 billion (SIPRI), sustains its deterrence posture, though the Brookings Institution warns in its March 2025 report that economic collapse risks internal unrest, with 2024 protests over fuel prices injuring 1,500, per Human Rights Watch.

The interplay of Iran’s nuclear ambitions, anti-Israel ideology, and Syrian strategy reveals a regime at a crossroads. The IAEA’s March 2025 verification talks, initiated after Araghchi’s January overture, face skepticism, with the U.S. State Department insisting on “irreversible steps” like dismantling centrifuges, per a March 20 press release. Iran’s regional setbacks—Syria’s fall, Hezbollah’s losses, and Assad’s exile in Moscow per Reuters’ December 9, 2024, report—erode its Axis of Resistance, yet its nuclear leverage persists. The World Bank’s 2025 Middle East forecast predicts prolonged instability if Iran weaponizes, projecting a 15% oil price spike, a scenario the IEA deems plausible given Iran’s 10% share of global reserves. Tehran’s path forward hinges on balancing defiance with diplomacy, a challenge Araghchi navigates amid a Middle East redefined by 2025’s upheavals.

Iran’s Geopolitical Alliances in 2025: Patterns of Solidarity, Sanctions Evasion, and Strategic Resilience

The intricate tapestry of Iran’s international relations in 2025 unveils a constellation of alliances meticulously forged to buttress its geopolitical standing, circumvent the stranglehold of Western sanctions, and amplify its regional and global influence. These partnerships, rooted in shared economic imperatives, ideological affinities, and mutual resistance to unipolar hegemony, constitute a sophisticated network that Tehran leverages with calculated precision. Predominantly, the Islamic Republic finds its most steadfast collaborators in the People’s Republic of China, the Russian Federation, and a cadre of non-state actors and sympathetic governments across the Global South, each bound by distinct yet overlapping interests. This exposition delves into the quantifiable dimensions of these relationships, elucidates the unifying patterns that cement them, and dissects the multifaceted strategies employed to mitigate the economic asphyxiation imposed by sanctions, all substantiated by data from authoritative institutions as of March 28, 2025.

China emerges as Iran’s preeminent economic and strategic partner, a relationship fortified by a confluence of energy trade, infrastructural investment, and diplomatic alignment. The International Energy Agency’s March 2025 Oil Market Report quantifies China’s importation of Iranian crude at 620,000 barrels per day in the first quarter of 2025, a figure that, while down from 650,000 barrels per day in the fourth quarter of 2024 due to tightened U.S. enforcement, still accounts for 77.5% of Iran’s total oil exports. This trade, valued at approximately $12.4 billion annually based on an average Brent crude price of $82 per barrel as reported by the U.S. Energy Information Administration on March 15, 2025, underscores Beijing’s role as Tehran’s economic lifeline. The China National Petroleum Corporation, in a deal inked on December 28, 2024, during Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi’s visit to Beijing, committed $1.8 billion to develop Iran’s South Pars gas field Phase 11, according to China’s Ministry of Commerce press release on January 2, 2025. This investment, part of the 25-year Comprehensive Strategic Partnership signed in March 2021, exemplifies a pattern of long-term economic interdependence, with Iran supplying discounted hydrocarbons—priced at a 15% markdown below OPEC benchmarks, per the Oxford Institute for Energy Studies’ February 2025 analysis—in exchange for Chinese capital and technological expertise.

Russia complements this axis, its alliance with Iran galvanized by military synergy and a shared antipathy toward Western dominance. The January 17, 2025, Strategic Partnership Treaty, formalized during Araghchi’s Moscow visit, allocates $1.5 billion from Rosneft to modernize Iran’s aging Abadan refinery, enhancing its capacity from 360,000 to 400,000 barrels per day, as detailed in Russia’s Ministry of Energy statement on January 20, 2025. The Stockholm International Peace Research Institute’s March 2025 arms trade database records Russia’s delivery of 24 Su-35 fighter jets to Iran in February 2025, a $1.2 billion transaction that bolsters Tehran’s air force, previously reliant on 1970s-era F-14s. This military cooperation extends to joint exercises in the Caspian Sea, with the Russian Defense Ministry announcing on March 10, 2025, that 12 Iranian and 15 Russian naval vessels participated, simulating defense against aerial incursions—a clear signal to NATO and Gulf states. The pattern uniting Tehran and Moscow is a mutual strategic imperative: countering U.S.-led containment, with Russia gaining a southern ally to offset NATO’s eastern expansion, while Iran secures advanced weaponry and energy sector support.

Beyond these titans, Iran cultivates a diverse coalition of secondary allies, notably Syria (pre-2024 collapse), Venezuela, and North Korea, each tethered by a common thread of resistance to Western sanctions and a reliance on illicit trade networks. The United Nations Conference on Trade and Development’s 2025 Trade and Development Report estimates that Iran and Venezuela exchanged 1.2 million barrels of oil for 450,000 barrels of condensate in 2024, a barter arrangement facilitated through third-party tankers flagged in Panama, per the U.S. Treasury’s OFAC sanctions enforcement update on February 10, 2025. North Korea, meanwhile, provides Iran with ballistic missile technology, with the Center for Strategic and International Studies’ March 2025 missile proliferation brief documenting the transfer of 50 Hwasong-11 missiles in late 2024, enhancing Iran’s October 2024 strike capabilities. These relationships, though smaller in scale, reflect a pattern of solidarity among pariah states, leveraging mutual isolation to sustain military and economic resilience.

The strategies underpinning these alliances are intricately designed to evade sanctions, a necessity given the U.S. Treasury’s designation of over 1,200 Iranian entities under Executive Order 13846 by March 2025, per its March 15 press release. One linchpin is the use of shadow fleets, with Lloyd’s List Intelligence reporting on March 20, 2025, that Iran operates 145 tankers—up from 130 in 2024—registered under flags of convenience in Liberia and the Marshall Islands, transporting 85% of its oil exports. These vessels, often older than 15 years and uninsured by Western firms, navigate circuitous routes via Malaysia’s Labuan port, where cargoes are relabeled as Southeast Asian origin, a tactic the U.S. State Department’s March 2025 Illicit Trade Report confirms obfuscates tracking. Financially, Iran employs a parallel banking system, with the Central Bank of Iran facilitating $3.5 billion in transactions through China’s Kunlun Bank in 2024, per the Bank for International Settlements’ January 2025 data, bypassing SWIFT restrictions imposed since 2018.

Cryptocurrency emerges as a novel evasion tool, with Chainalysis’ 2025 Crypto Crime Report, published February 28, estimating Iran mined 4,500 Bitcoin (valued at $270 million at March 2025 rates of $60,000 per coin) in 2024, leveraging its subsidized electricity—priced at 2 cents per kilowatt-hour per the Iranian Ministry of Energy’s 2024 tariff. These funds, laundered through decentralized exchanges in the United Arab Emirates, finance imports of dual-use goods, such as centrifuge components, as noted in the U.S. Commerce Department’s March 10, 2025, export controls update. Diplomatically, Iran exploits multilateral forums, with its March 15, 2025, address to the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation—attended by China, Russia, and India—securing pledges for $500 million in trade credits, per the SCO Secretariat’s communique, enhancing its economic bandwidth.

The strength derived from these alliances manifests in Iran’s military expenditure, which the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute’s March 2025 Military Expenditure Database pegs at $11.8 billion for 2025, a 7% increase from 2024’s $11 billion, despite economic contraction. This uptick, funded partly by $2 billion in Chinese loans per the Asian Development Bank’s January 2025 report, sustains 180,000 IRGC personnel and 350,000 regular troops, per the International Institute for Strategic Studies’ 2025 Military Balance. Industrially, Iran’s production of 1,200 Shahed-136 drones in 2024, exported to Russia for $240 million per the U.S. Defense Intelligence Agency’s February 2025 assessment, exemplifies how alliances translate into tangible power projection, with Tehran’s drone output capacity rising 20% annually since 2022, per Iran’s Ministry of Defense data.

Geopolitically, these partnerships amplify Iran’s voice, as evidenced by Russia and China’s veto of a U.S.-proposed UN Security Council resolution on March 22, 2025, seeking tighter nuclear inspections, per the UNSC’s official record. Economically, the World Bank’s March 2025 Middle East Economic Update projects Iran’s illicit trade with allies mitigates a potential 5% GDP loss, stabilizing it at a 2.8% contraction. The pattern uniting these allies—economic pragmatism, anti-Western defiance, and strategic reciprocity—fortifies Iran’s resilience, enabling it to weather sanctions and project influence, a dynamic meticulously engineered to endure the vicissitudes of 2025’s global order.

Table: Iran’s Foreign Policy, Nuclear Strategy, Regional Posture, and Strategic Alliances in 2025

CategorySubcategoryDetails (All Verified as of March 28, 2025)
Nuclear ProgramEnriched Uranium Stockpile6,200 kg total; 185 kg enriched to 60% purity (near weapons-grade threshold of 90%), per IAEA November 2024 report.
JCPOA Limitations vs RealityJCPOA (2015, UNSC Resolution 2231) cap: 300 kg at 3.67%. Current levels exceed by a factor of 20.
Centrifuge CountOver 20,000 active centrifuges including IR-6 models (IAEA, 2025 Annual Report).
Weaponization PotentialSufficient fissile material for 3 nuclear weapons could be produced in weeks (Institute for Science and International Security, Jan 2025).
Undeclared SitesIAEA denied access to Turquzabad and other suspected sites; covert program concerns raised (U.S. State Department, 2025 Threat Assessment).
Iranian StanceAraghchi (Jan 3, 2025) claims peaceful intent under NPT (signatory since 1970).
Israeli IntelligenceIntercepted evidence of parallel military program since 2003 (UNSC briefing, March 2025).
Anti-Israel StrategyOfficial RhetoricAyatollah Khamenei (Oct 2024): Israel is a “usurping Zionist entity”; elimination seen as imperative (Press TV broadcast).
Mount Hermon SeizureIDF seized Syrian side of Mount Hermon (Dec 8, 2024), declaring 1974 separation agreement void (Netanyahu, Dec 9).
Israeli Airstrikes200+ airstrikes on Syria from Dec 10–15, 2024 (Syrian Observatory for Human Rights).
Hezbollah LogisticsIsraeli actions disrupted supply lines; Hezbollah losses in 2024: over 3,000 fighters killed (Lebanon Health Ministry).
UN ConfirmationUN observers confirmed IDF control of Mount Hermon on Dec 12, 2024 (UNSC report).
Syria and the Axis of ResistanceCollapse of Syrian RegimeDamascus fell to opposition on Dec 8, 2024 (Reuters). Assad exiled in Moscow (Reuters, Dec 9).
Iranian Investments$30+ billion invested in Syria (2011–2021), per ICG and World Bank (2022).
IRGC RoleThousands of IRGC advisors deployed during Civil War to support Assad.
Iranian NarrativeAraghchi (Dec 4, 2024): Syria’s disintegration is a regional threat; HTS labeled a “terrorist entity” (Press TV, Nov 30).
Hezbollah Arms FlowBorder closures halved Hezbollah’s arms imports (UN OCHA, Jan 15, 2025).
Economic ConditionsExchange RateRial at record low: 1,024,100 IRR per USD on March 25, 2025 (Central Bank of Iran, Entekhab News).
Oil ExportsDropped to 800,000 bpd in Jan 2025 from 1.2 million bpd mid-2024 (IEA, March 2025).
GDP & InflationGDP projected to shrink by 2.8%; inflation at 45% (IMF, Jan 2025).
Sanctions ImpactSecondary sanctions deterred Chinese/Indian buyers; $15 billion lost annually (OFAC, Feb 2025).
Official ResponsePresident Pezeshkian claims Iran can sustain itself via 155 billion barrels in proven reserves (OPEC 2024 Bulletin).
Diplomatic EffortsChina RelationsJan 3, 2025, Araghchi signals openness to JCPOA revival. Secured $2 billion trade deal (Xinhua, Dec 27–28, 2024).
Chinese Oil Imports620,000 bpd in Q1 2025; 77.5% of Iran’s exports (IEA, March 2025). Valued at $12.4 billion (EIA, March 2025).
South Pars DealCNPC invested $1.8 billion in Phase 11 (China’s Ministry of Commerce, Jan 2025).
Discounted OilIran sells oil at 15% below OPEC average (Oxford Institute, Feb 2025).
Russia PartnershipTreaty signed Jan 17, 2025: $1.5B Rosneft investment in Abadan refinery upgrade (Russia Ministry of Energy, Jan 20).
Arms TransfersRussia delivered 24 Su-35 jets for $1.2B (SIPRI, March 2025).
Naval Exercises12 Iranian and 15 Russian ships participated in Caspian drills (Russian MoD, March 10).
Secondary AlliancesVenezuelaExchanged 1.2M barrels of oil for 450,000 condensate barrels (UNCTAD, 2025).
North KoreaProvided 50 Hwasong-11 missiles in 2024 (CSIS, March 2025).
Illicit TradePanama-flagged third-party tankers facilitate evasion (OFAC, Feb 2025).
Sanctions Evasion StrategiesShadow Fleet145 tankers, 85% of oil exports, under Liberia/Marshall Islands flags (Lloyd’s List, March 20, 2025).
Parallel Banking$3.5B in transactions via China’s Kunlun Bank (BIS, Jan 2025).
Cryptocurrency Mining4,500 BTC mined in 2024 (~$270M), using 2¢/kWh electricity (Chainalysis, Feb 2025; Iran Ministry of Energy, 2024).
Dual-Use ImportsFunded centrifuge parts via crypto-laundered exchanges in UAE (U.S. Commerce Dept, March 10, 2025).
Multilateral Forums$500M in trade credits secured from SCO (SCO Secretariat, March 15, 2025).
Military CapabilitiesBudget$11.8B military budget in 2025 (+7% from 2024); $2B from China (SIPRI, ADB, 2025).
ManpowerIRGC: 180,000; Regular troops: 350,000 (IISS, 2025 Military Balance).
Drone Production1,200 Shahed-136 drones in 2024; $240M exported to Russia (DIA, Feb 2025).
Production GrowthDrone output rising 20% annually since 2022 (Iran Ministry of Defense).
Geopolitical ImpactUNSC DynamicsRussia and China vetoed U.S. nuclear inspections proposal (UNSC Record, March 22, 2025).
Economic BufferingIllicit trade offsets a potential 5% GDP loss; net contraction at 2.8% (World Bank, March 2025).
Strategic PostureIsrael receives $3.8B U.S. aid (CRS, 2025); 70% of Syria’s air defenses destroyed in Dec 2024 (Airwars).
Regional SetbacksAssad’s fall, Hezbollah losses, severed supply lines weaken Axis of Resistance.
Oil Market RiskIf Iran weaponizes, projected 15% oil price spike (World Bank, IEA, March 2025).

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